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THE creation of Panchayati Raj is perhaps the best thing that happened to democratic India. It motivated ordinary people to assert themselves in power-sharing. In fact, their participation increased by leaps and bounds. The amendment of Article 73 of the Constitution was envisioned as the best means to decentralise democracy. Panchayati Raj, it was hoped, would devolve power to the grassroots, improve the delivery of goods and services and radically alter social equations.

But what happened when Dalits began to assert their political rights through Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs)? Upper castes controlling the affairs of the village could not tolerate such changes. As a result, devolution of power to marginalised communities has not been realised. Several incidents have proven this, time and again. It is also evident that Panchayati Raj is being used as a tool to take away power from the Dalits and consolidate the caste system.

The most important factor which has contributed to the Dalit situation vis-à-vis the panchayati raj system is the nature of Indian society which, by and large, determines the nature of the state. Indian society is known for its inequality, social hierarchy and its rich and poor divide. Who are the victims of India’s social system and the nature of its state? They are women, Dalits, Adivasis and the economically backward. Chhattisgarh witnessed a sharp increase of violence against lower castes by the upper castes ever since Panchayati Raj began functioning. PRIs are perceived by the upper castes as a tool used by lower castes to assert their rights. herefore, lower castes have become targets of caste-based discrimination and violence. A Dalit of village Goud, a panchayat in Janjgir district of Chhattisgarh, Aghru Suryavanshi has not been in his village for the past one year. Reason? He defeated his rival Ballu Singh Thakur on a general seat during the last panchayat election. His victory angered the upper castes. In the panchayat elections of January 2000, Mithailal Lahare was elected sarpanch under the reservation quota. The dominant upper castes, angry about his two-year stint in office, dismissed him after a no-confidence motion, an example of political boycott of the Dalits.

“A no-confidence motion is the best tool used by the upper castes to takeover from the Dalits,”says Awadh Nawrang, sarpanch of Nangaridih panchayat in Janjgir. Devkuwar Sarith, sarpanch of Bada Darha panchayat expressed her fears: “Untouchability practises are reaching unpredictable magnitudes. There is a constant threat from the upper castes to bring in a no-confidence motion and overthrow me. It is the women who bear the brunt. How will I work freely under such circumstances?” As many as 34 cases of no-confidence motions in Dalit panchayats have taken place during the last one year. This proves that since reservation is the method by which Dalits rise to power, it causes resentment in the ranks of the upper castes. They usually instigate a lobby to dismantle all such reservations. What has happened in the last few decades is a gradual growth in awareness among Dalits. Questions relating to caste discrimination have been challenged.

These questions are a threat to the existence of caste politics within PRIs. In 2004, there was an attack on Dalits in Gumka in Durg district by some people from the upper castes. According to a report by the Dalit Study Circle, the attack was in retaliation against the support the Dalits gave to a candidate in the previous panchayat elections, defying the wishes of a few upper caste Hindus. In September 2005, the mid-day meal scheme run by a non-Dalit sarpanch of Bhokludih village of Mahasamund district was the weapon used in retaliation by the upper castes. According to Tamaskar Tandon, a member of the Dalit Mukti Morcha (DMM), “These assaults are taking place to ensure that the caste hierarchy survives.” In most cases the police have been utilised to further the machinations of the upper castes. On October 5, 2004, the Pipariya police, on the instructions of the sarpanch of Khairwar panchayat in Kawardha district, detained one Bannu Satnami. His body was found lying next morning in front of the police station. In 2004-05, there were 13 custodial deaths in Chhattisgarh, of which as many as 11 were Dalits – a figure that shows how the police is used as a weapon against Dalits. DMM activist Guddu Lahare says, “In the panchayat there are two major means of discrimination. One, is that the Dalits are kept away from panchayat proceedings, developmental work and schemes. The other is that wherever Dalits are in power by virtue of reservation they are targeted and their posts are declared null and void after a certain period of time.” In Hasda village of Raipur, the panchayat has served an eviction notice to Dalits cultivating the land since 1965. Paul Ratre, given a similar notice, says: “It is another form of discrimination synthesised with Panchayati Raj. Power at the grassroots is being manipulated by Hindus who want to usurp resources and subjugate the Dalits.” The Dalits are socially boycotted. Anyone who dares defy the unjust orders of the upper castes will have to pay a penalty of Rs 10, 000. Landlessness and land alienation is a major issue in the context of Dalits. In one village near Baramkela of Raigarh district, nearly 200 families are landless. In fact, they had to vacate the land they had been living on for generations because the panchayat served them an eviction notice saying they were occupying government land. In earlier days, a boycott of Dalits was mostly imposed by the upper caste panchayats. In recent times, the panchayat is declaring a boycott under the guise of land encroachment. Though the new panchayati raj system is welcome, attempts should be made to strengthen it against feudal casteism, corrupt bureaucracy and inept state governments. But how far it has helped to empower the Dalits is a question yet to be answered.

Goldy M George is a fellow with National Foundation for India (NFI).