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April 2007 Edition


 

SPEAKING ALOUD

[ Arun Maira, Harivansh , Shankar Venkateswaran, Riaz Quadir, Harmala Gupta, Kabir Mustafi. ]


In the March issue of Civil Society we reported the findings of an opinion poll conducted by GFK Mode on perceptions about social sector organisations. The government and judiciary were also rated. Here we print a collection of viewson the poll’s findings. Over to Arun Maira

ARUN MAIRA

MIDDLE class citizens in Indian metros were the first beneficiaries of India’s economic reforms. Competition amongst foreign and Indian companies, almost all in the private sector, vying for these customers have given them much more choice than they had before – of cars, home appliances, telephone services, media, clothes, and food. They appreciate these benefits and do not want any slow down of economic reforms. However two recent surveys of this poster-child constituency of Indian economic reforms reveal its feelings about which Indian institutions it trusts with reforms. India is a democracy with freedom of association and freedom of speech, and NGOs are proliferating side-by-side with the proliferation of consumer goodies as the economy opens up. Civil Society commissioned a survey by the opinion poll agency GFK Mode of middle class Indians in metros. The survey sought to understand what citizens felt about the value NGOs added to India’s society. An overwhelming 90 per cent said NGOs were necessary in society. Why? To protect the interests of the people. In fact, they said that NGOs were more effective than the government and even the judiciary in addressing citizens’ concerns about fairness and equity. However, they had two concerns about the performance of NGOs. First, NGOs often have biases and personal interests in the causes they take up. Secondly, while NGOs are good at raising issues, they are generally not very effective in finding solutions.

The other survey, commissioned by TV18 and conducted by the market research firm Synovate, found that while middle class citizens in the metros were pleased with the first world consumer products they could now buy, they felt that India remained a third world country because of the poor quality of public services – power, water, sanitation, public transport, healthcare, education, etc. Eighty-eight per cent of those surveyed wanted more reforms but surprisingly, when asked whether the private sector, which had demonstrated its efficiency in many areas, should run these public services, as many as 73 per cent said, No! They said these services should be left in the domain of government. The private sector may be more focused on customer satisfaction and more efficient than the public sector. But it is not oriented to resolve issues of equity. If it cannot find solutions to provide services at costs that some people can afford to pay, it can simply ignore these segments of customers. Indeed this is considered good business management. This may be acceptable in the automobile or even the mobile phone businesses where poorpeople can carry on life without such products and services. But what about water, sanitation, healthcare, education, etc. to which all human beings must have access at prices they can afford? If the private sector cannot charge the price it needs to for these ‘public services’ and therefore will not serve poorer people, government must provide the services even if it does it inefficiently.

And NGOs should step in to take up citizens’ concerns of inequity with both the private sector and government. While governments and corporations may resent the noise NGOs make, citizens say NGOs are necessary to create a just society. The implication of what people are saying in these surveys is that privatisation and more FDI cannot be the only measures of the success of reforms. Many areas that affect people’s lives must be improved and privatisation and FDI may not be the solutions. Even in the most liberal, market-based economies, such as the USA, the efficacy of the private sector in providing services like health and education is questioned. Indeed, the costs of healthcare in the USA, which has the most privatised health care sector in the Western world, are much higher than elsewhere. Also, the poor have much less access to healthcare in the USA than in European countries where their governments are responsible for healthcare services. The issue is not whether to privatise or not, but how to improve the lives of people. This debate raises important questions about the scope and purpose of reforms and the roles of various institutions in Indian society – business corporations, governments, and NGOs. INSTITUTIONAL REFORMS : WhatIndia wants is faster growth but also more inclusive growth – 11 per cent even, but only if it can be attained with more equity. Perhaps there is no model for this. After all India is an unusual country. Therefore India will have to develop appropriate processes and the unique institutions required for inclusive and, at the same time faster growth. Institutions and processes make change happen in societies, explains Nobel Prize winning economist Douglass C. North in ‘Understanding the Process of Economic Change’. With the role of the private sector ascendant, the role ofgovernments receding, and NGOs mushrooming in democratic societies all over the world, including India, there is a jockeying for power and space between these institutions.

The pulls and tugs between these three actors within democratic societies can slow down the process of change and ‘reform’ that businesses desire. However, as North points out, the institutions themselves must also be reformed for the process of economic change to be effective (and this includes the private sector too). Perhaps the answer is not an either-or one – to privatise or not. Partnerships are required to bring together the strengths of these institutions to serve society more effectively. The private sector can bring its ability to manage economic resources efficiently and NGOs their passion for the rights of the underserved. In the Civil Society-GFK Mode survey, 75 per cent of the respondents said that NGOs and the private sector must talk to each other and work together in the wider interests of society. However, it is not easy for them to work with each other. There are deep seated biases on both sides. For example, a laudable initiative between some private sector companies, NGOs, and a state government in India to reduce the persistently high levels of child malnutrition in that state ran into many mental road-blocks. Though less than 25 per cent of Indians are classified as being below the poverty line, child malnutrition in India runs as high as 47 per cent, which is even higher than many sub-Saharan countries which have much lower GDP per capita than India. Therefore the solution to child malnutrition is not just poverty reduction – India’s problem is more systemic. The knowledge and resources of several institutions must be combined to even understand the roots of this problem, let alone implement solutions.

Therefore a consortium was formed towards this worthy goal. Unfortunately even after the representatives of various organisations had worked together for some months, their suspicions of each other’s motives surfaced. The NGOs felt that the private sector was in it to make some money from new products and services that may be developed by the initiative. But why not, asked the private sector, so long as the people’s needs are being met and child malnutrition is being reduced through innovations? Why the taboo against creating economic surpluses that can be reinvested – which is another way to describe ‘profit’ – they asked? To these private sector executives, the NGOs were displaying their impractical, ideological biases, and they wondered how they could work together! The ways in which institutions interact, the quality of dialogue amongst them, and their ability to arrive at consensus quickly is an ‘institutional’ ability of great value to societies. Perhaps India needs this institutional ability much more than any other country in the world today. India is much larger and more diverse than most. And its development agenda is more complex than the economic management agendas of the more developed economies, and also more complex than developing countries like China that can side-step discordant, democratic debates. We must apply ourselves to develop the best ‘technology’ and capability for dialogue within our society to achieve our goal of more rapid and more inclusive growth.

(Arun Maira is chairman of the Boston Consulting Group in India

 

 

 

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